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A.+7691 Summary:

BILL NOA07691
 
SAME ASSAME AS S01163-A
 
SPONSORSolages
 
COSPNSRDarling, Peoples-Stokes, Jean-Pierre, Fall, Dickens, Taylor, Gibbs, Aubry, Cunningham, Zinerman, Anderson, Tapia, Reyes, Burgos, Rosenthal L, Bronson, Clark, Epstein, Glick, Gonzalez-Rojas, Hyndman, Jackson, Bichotte Hermelyn, Burdick, Kelles, Levenberg, Lee, Simon, Otis, Forrest, Meeks, Raga
 
MLTSPNSR
 
 
Relates to acknowledging the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality and inhumanity of slavery in the city of New York and the state of New York; establishes the New York state community commission on reparations remedies to examine the institution of slavery, subsequently de jure and de facto racial and economic discrimination against African-Americans, the impact of these forces on living African-Americans and to make recommendations on appropriate remedies; provides for the repeal of such provisions.
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A.+7691 Memo:

NEW YORK STATE ASSEMBLY
MEMORANDUM IN SUPPORT OF LEGISLATION
submitted in accordance with Assembly Rule III, Sec 1(f)
 
BILL NUMBER: A7691
 
SPONSOR: Solages
  TITLE OF BILL: An act to acknowledge the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality and inhumanity of slavery in the City of New York and the State of New York; to establish the New York State community commission on reparations remedies, to examine the institution of slavery, subsequently de jure and de facto racial and economic discrimination against people of Afri- can descent, and the impact of these forces on living people of African descent and to make determinations regarding compensation; and providing for the repeal of such provisions upon expiration thereof   SUMMARY OF PROVISIONS: Section 1. Provides that this act shall be known as the "New York State community commission on reparations remedies." Section 2. Establishes the legislative intent. Section 3. Establishes the commission, listing its purpose and duties. Section 4. Establishes the appointment process for members of the committee. Section 5. Sets forth the powers of the commission. Section 6. Termi- nation clause. Section 7. Sets forth the effective date.   JUSTIFICATION: This legislation is necessary to acknowledge the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality and inhumanity of slavery in the City of New York and the State of New York. Contrary to what many believe, slavery was not just a Southern institu- tion. Prior to the American Revolution, there were more enslaved Afri- cans in New York City than in any other city except Charleston, South Carolina. During this period, enslaved Africans accounted for 20% of the population of New York and approximately 401s of colonial New York's households owned enslaved Africans. These enslaved Africans were an integral part of the population which settled and developed what we now know as the State of New York. The first enslaved Africans arrived in New Amsterdam, a Dutch settlement established at the southern tip of Manhattan Island, around 1627. These enslaved Africans did not belong to individuals, but worked for the Dutch West India Company. The Dutch West India Company had established Fort Amsterdam, a fortification located on the southern tip of the Island of Manhattan, for the purpose of defending the company's fur trade operations on the North River, now known as the Hudson River. In 1624, New Amsterdam became a provincial extension of the Dutch Republic and it was designated the capital of the province in 1625. These first enslaved Africans cleared forests, prepared land for agri- culture and built an infrastructure of roads, buildings and walls of timber and earthwork, including the wall that gives Wall Street its name. During the following years, more enslaved Africans were brought to the New World for the purpose of expanding the settlement. New Amster- dam came under English control in 1664 and was renamed New York in honor of the then Duke of York, in whose name the English had captured it. Three years later, the Dutch gave up their claim of the city and the rest of the colony, in exchange for control of certain trade routes and areas. The change of control of the city did not hinder the system of slavery; it was an enormously profitable enterprise and it continued under English control. In fact, the English enacted new slave codes aimed at keeping this population repressed. Further, a new class of pro-slavery business owners also emerged seeking to, directly and indirectly, bene- fit from the slave trade. They supplied food, tools and grain to slave plantations in North America and in the West Indies. Slave labor built and maintained ships used for trade between North America, Europe, the Caribbean and Africa. Enslaved Africans produced goods for sale and worked in private homes. Even newspapers, benefited from slavery: adver- tisements of enslaved Africans for purchase were a major source of revenue for the papers during the eighteenth century. With these econom- ic relationships in place, the pro-slavery forces in New York jealously guarded what they viewed as their financial interests. Life was repressive for enslaved Africans in New York. The New York City Common Council passed a number of restrictive laws designed at curtail- ing the rights and freedoms of enslaved Africans. Enslaved Africans were barred from owning significant property and from bequeathing what they did own to their children. The number of people of African descent who could gather in one place was limited. Restrictions on movement included requiring enslaved Africans to carry lanterns after dark and to remain in certain geographic areas. Penalties for breaking these and other laws were severe. Beatings, mutilations and executions were common. Enslaved Africans refused to submit to the slave existence. The condi- tions of their lives gave rise to rebellions and the development of a network known as the Underground Railroad. Moreover, a powerful aboli- tionist movement developed. Nonetheless, the end of slavery in New York did not come easily or quickly. Those who profited from the slave econo- my fought to maintain the system. In 1799, the New York State Legisla- ture, at a time when sixteen sitting New York State Senators personally owned dozens of enslaved Africans, passed "An Act for the Gradual Aboli- tion of Slavery." This legislation was a first step in the direction of emancipation, but it provided little relief in the short-term. Rather, it provided for only a gradual manumission. All children born to enslaved women after July 4, 1799 would be freed, but only after their most productive years: age 28 for men and age.25 for women. Enslaved Africans already in servitude before July 4, 1799 were reclassified as "indentured servants," but in reality, remained enslaved' Africans for the duration of their lives. In 1817, the New York State Legislature enacted a statute that gave freedom to New York enslaved Africans who had been born before July 4, 1799. However, this statute did not become effective until July 4, 1827. Despite these laws, there were exceptions under which certain persons could still own enslaved Africans. Non-residents could enter New York with enslaved Africans for up to nine months, and the law allowed part- time residents to bring their enslaved Africans into the state temporar- ily. The nine-month exception remained law until its repeal in 1841, when the North was redefining itself as the "free" region in advance of the Civil War. Nevertheless, many formerly enslaved Africans fleeing slavery and arriv- ing in New York were forced back into slavery following the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. Moreover, even as the laws regarding slavery were loosened, both public and private discrimination continued to maintain similar social relationships-and racial hierarchies. During the Civil War, sentiments in New York regarding the war were divided and tense. New York's finance and local institutions were still deeply entangled in the slave trade in the South and the Caribbean, and New York profited tremendously from the trade in Southern cotton. By some estimates, New York received 40% of U.S. cotton revenue through its financial firms, shipping businesses, and insurance companies. Near the start of the war, in January 1861, New York City Mayor Fernando Wood actually suggested to the New York City Council that New York secede and declare itself a "free city" in order to continue its profit- able cotton trade with the Confederacy. These same pro-slavery forces erupted into violence when the national Conscription. Act was enacted on July 11, 1863. Pro-slavery forces engaged in "draft riots" in New York City, violently targeting Black Americans. Before the riots were finally stopped by federal troops four days later, over 119 New Yorkers, mostly Black Americans, had been killed. After the end of the Civil War, Congress passed the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to officially end slavery, make Black people citizens, and enable Black men to enjoy all rights of citizenship including the right to vote. Although New York had given Black men the right to vote in 1827, it retained property require- ments, and included new restrictions on the right to vote for those accused of committing crimes, to continuously maintain a system of disenfranchisement. On April 14, 1869, New York ratified the 15th Amend- ment in a party-line vote. In 1870, however, control of the Senate changed to those who were sympathetic to the recently de f eated South, with State Senator William "Boss" Tweed leading a charge for New York to rescind its ratification of the 15th amendment (i.e., the right to vote). New York legislators at the time claimed that allowing Black New Yorkers to vote "would introduce ignorance to the ballot box and the suffrage would be cheapened and degraded". Along another party-line vote, New York rescinded its ratification. Fortunately, however, this rescission did not prevent the 15th Amendment from being ratified. Following the Civil War, conditions for Black Americans in New York remained poor. Newly emancipated enslaved people and their families needed to contend with both public and private discrimination in the State of New York. Although civil rights legislation was passed in the years following the Civil War, in an attempt to guard against acts of discrimination, Associate Justice Joseph P. Bradley, of New York State, wrote a majority (8-1) decision for.the United States Supreme Court, striking down these civil rights laws. The case related to an 1879 inci- dent, where a Black New Yorker had been turned away from the Grand Opera House located on West 23rd Street and 8th Avenue; even though this man had paid for a ticket, he was turned away, and a local policeman forci- bly removed him from the premises. Although the following lawsuit was brought under the civil rights act, Justice Bradley rejected the claims, stating: "Can the act of a mere individual, the owner of the inn, the public conveyance or place of amusement, refusing the accommodation, be justly regarded as imposing any badge of slavery or servitude upon the applicant...? After giving to these questions all the consideration which their importance demands, we are forced to the conclusion that such an act of refusal has nothing to do with slavery or involuntary servitude." With this ruling, private citizens were Once again permitted to lawfully discriminate against their fellow New Yorkers, with no legal recourse. A subsequent New York Times editorial, however, stated that it did not foresee any substantial changes in daily life because the civil rights legislation to protect Black New Yorkers "has never been enforced" in any meaningful way. With this legal precedent, expanding even more broadly when the 1896 case of Plessy v. Ferguson explicitly permitted segregated railroads and street cars, Jim Crow laws, along with various forms of private discrim- ination, spread across the country and New York State. Segregation became particularly common in both education and housing. In 1883, when a Black resident of Kings County sought to enroll her daughter in .a school for white children, her child was denied admission. In the subse- quent lawsuit of People, ex. Rel King v. Gallagher, the Court ruled in a 4-2 decision that "Itlhe system of authorizing the education of the two races separately has been for many years the settled policy of all departments of the State government, and it is believed obtains very generally in the States of the Union." The New York Court of Appeals upheld the segregation of schools in Kings County. Although the laws have changed in the years since this decision, research has shown that up to the present day of this writing, New York still is the most segre- gated state for Black students. Discrimination in housihg has also been a persistent and constant issue in New York since the Civil War. In addition to the housing inequality that came with wealth inequality, landlords have engaged in discrimina- tory housing practices. Black Americans of all backgrounds typically paid disproportionately higher rents, and were forced into dilapidated tenement conditions, with the support of public officials. This pattern of geographic isolation would continue to impact Black Americans in New York continuously throughout the years, including through the state- sanctioned discriminatory "redlining" practices in the 1930s, and in the segregationist urban planning implemented by individuals like Robert Moses in later decades. Importantly, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), an institution that refused to insure mortgages in or near Afri- can American neighborhoods, subsidized builders who were creating subdi- visions and developments in the suburbs, with the proviso that none of the homes be sold to African Americans. For example, in Levittown, New York, the FHA guaranteed bank loans for construction and development to Levittown on the condition that no homes be sold to African-Americans, and that every home have a clause in its deed prohibiting resale to African-Americans. The consequences of these past practices are still with us today. In 1991, a massive African burial ground was discovered in the heart of New York's financial district during the construction of a skyscraper. The excavations that followed the termination of the construction project yielded the skeletal remains of 419 Africans, many of whom were women and children. The consequences of slavery in New York State is not an echo of the past, but can still be observed in daily life. Systemic racism has cemented a legacy of generational 'poverty, and we still see today instances of voter suppression, housing discrimination, biased policing, food apartheid, and disproportionate rates of incarceration. Currently, in the United States, the imprisonment rate of Black Americans for drug. charges is almost six times that of white Americans, despite the rate of drug usage being similar among both groups. Likewise, the use of the "Stop and Frisk" tactic by the New York City Police Department has had disparate impacts: at the policy's peak in 2011, an estimated 685,724 people were stopped, with fifty-three percent of those being Black, even though only twenty-six percent of New York City's population was Black. These policies have also led to the tragic deaths of Black Americans here in New York, such as Daniel Prude, who was unarmed and facing a mental health crisis when he was forcibly restrained by Rochester police, and ultimately died due to complications of asphyxia resulting from his restraint. New York State's status as an economic and cultural hub of the world has been built and shaped by slavery. The contributions of enslaved Africans has provided the resources upon which trade and commerce in New York was built. Some of our most prestigious institutions and infrastructure were built with these contributions. However, New York State also has the largest income disparity in the country, and that large disparity is in large part the legacy of our slave system. This legislation is neces- sary because the slavery that flourished in New York State constituted an immoral and inhumane deprivation of Africans' life, liberty, citizen- ship rights, cultural heritage, and denied them the fruits of their own labor. A sufficient inquiry has not'been made into the effects of the institution of slavery on present day society in New York.   PRIOR LEGISLATIVE HISTORY: 2017-18: A7274A (Barron); reported to Ways and Means. 2019-20: A30BOA (Barron); reported to Ways and Means. 2021-22: A2619A (Barron) / S7215 (Brisport); passed Assembly, referred to Senate Rules. 2021-22: A9435 (Solages) / S7215 (Brisport); passed Assembly, referred to Senate Finance.   FISCAL IMPLICATIONS FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS: Undetermined.   EFFECTIVE DATE: This act shall take effect immediately and shall expire and be deemed repealed 90 days after the New York State community commission to study reparations remedies submits its report to the temporary president of the senate, the speaker of the assembly, the minority leaders of the senate and the assembly and the governor as provided in subdivision c of section three of this act; provided that, the chair of the New York State community commission to study reparations remedies shall notify the legislative bill drafting commission upon the submission of its report as provided in subdivision c of section three of this act in order that the commission may maintain an accurate and timely effective database of the official text of the laws of the State of New York in furtherance of effecting the provisions' of section 44 of the legisla- tive law and section 70-b of the public officers law.
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A.+7691 Text:



 
                STATE OF NEW YORK
        ________________________________________________________________________
 
                                          7691
 
                               2023-2024 Regular Sessions
 
                   IN ASSEMBLY
 
                                      June 5, 2023
                                       ___________
 
        Introduced  by  M. of A. SOLAGES, LUCAS -- read once and referred to the
          Committee on Ways and Means
 
        AN ACT to acknowledge the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality  and
          inhumanity  of  slavery  in  the City of New York and the State of New
          York; to establish the New York State community commission on  repara-
          tions remedies, to examine the institution of slavery, subsequently de
          jure and de facto racial and economic discrimination against people of
          African  descent,  and  the impact of these forces on living people of
          African descent and to make determinations regarding compensation; and
          providing for the repeal of such provisions upon expiration thereof
 
          The People of the State of New York, represented in Senate and  Assem-
        bly, do enact as follows:
 
     1    Section  1.  This act shall be known and may be cited as the "New York
     2  State community commission on reparations remedies".
     3    § 2. Legislative intent.  Contrary to what many believe,  slavery  was
     4  not just a Southern institution. Prior to the American Revolution, there
     5  were  more  enslaved  Africans  in  New York City than in any other city
     6  except Charleston, South Carolina. During this period, enslaved Africans
     7  accounted for 20% of the population of New York and approximately 40% of
     8  colonial New York's households owned enslaved Africans.  These  enslaved
     9  Africans  were  an  integral  part  of  the population which settled and
    10  developed what we now know as the State of New York.
    11    The first enslaved Africans arrived in New Amsterdam, a Dutch  settle-
    12  ment  established  at the southern tip of Manhattan Island, around 1627.
    13  These enslaved Africans did not belong to individuals,  but  worked  for
    14  the  Dutch  West  India Company. The Dutch West India Company had estab-
    15  lished Fort Amsterdam, a fortification located on the  southern  tip  of
    16  the  Island of Manhattan, for the purpose of defending the company's fur
    17  trade operations on the North River, now known as the Hudson  River.  In
    18  1624,  New Amsterdam became a provincial extension of the Dutch Republic
    19  and it was designated the capital of the province in 1625.
 
         EXPLANATION--Matter in italics (underscored) is new; matter in brackets
                              [ ] is old law to be omitted.
                                                                   LBD00148-10-3

        A. 7691                             2
 
     1    These first enslaved Africans cleared forests, prepared land for agri-
     2  culture and built an infrastructure of roads,  buildings  and  walls  of
     3  timber  and  earthwork,  including  the  wall that gives Wall Street its
     4  name. During the following years, more enslaved Africans were brought to
     5  the New World for the purpose of expanding the settlement.
     6    New  Amsterdam  came under English control in 1664 and was renamed New
     7  York in honor of the then Duke of York, in whose name  the  English  had
     8  captured  it.  Three  years  later, the Dutch gave up their claim of the
     9  city and the rest of the colony, in  exchange  for  control  of  certain
    10  trade routes and areas.
    11    The  change  of control of the city did not hinder the system of slav-
    12  ery; it was an enormously profitable enterprise and it  continued  under
    13  English  control.  In fact, the English enacted new slave codes aimed at
    14  keeping this population repressed. Further, a new class  of  pro-slavery
    15  business  owners also emerged seeking to, directly and indirectly, bene-
    16  fit from the slave trade. They supplied food, tools and grain  to  slave
    17  plantations  in North America and in the West Indies.  Slave labor built
    18  and maintained ships used for trade between North America,  Europe,  the
    19  Caribbean  and  Africa.  Enslaved  Africans  produced goods for sale and
    20  worked in private homes. Even newspapers benefited from slavery:  adver-
    21  tisements of enslaved Africans for  purchase  were  a  major  source  of
    22  revenue for the papers during the eighteenth century. With these econom-
    23  ic  relationships in place, the pro-slavery forces in New York jealously
    24  guarded what they viewed as their financial interests.
    25    Life was repressive for enslaved Africans in New York.  The  New  York
    26  City  Common  Council  passed  a  number of restrictive laws designed at
    27  curtailing the rights and freedoms of enslaved Africans.  Enslaved Afri-
    28  cans were barred from owning significant property and  from  bequeathing
    29  what  they  did  own  to their children. The number of people of African
    30  descent who could gather in one place was limited. Restrictions on move-
    31  ment included requiring enslaved Africans to carry lanterns  after  dark
    32  and to remain in certain geographic areas.
    33    Penalties  for  breaking  these  and other laws were severe. Beatings,
    34  mutilations and executions were common.
    35    Enslaved Africans refused to submit to the slave existence. The condi-
    36  tions of their lives gave rise to rebellions and the  development  of  a
    37  network known as the Underground Railroad.
    38    Moreover, a powerful abolitionist movement developed. Nonetheless, the
    39  end  of  slavery  in  New York did not come easily or quickly. Those who
    40  profited from the slave economy fought to maintain the system.
    41    In 1799, the New York  State  Legislature,  at  a  time  when  sixteen
    42  sitting  New  York  State  Senators  personally owned dozens of enslaved
    43  Africans, passed "An Act for the Gradual  Abolition  of  Slavery."  This
    44  legislation  was  a  first step in the direction of emancipation, but it
    45  provided little relief in the short-term. Rather, it provided for only a
    46  gradual manumission. All children born to enslaved women after  July  4,
    47  1799  would be freed, but only after their most productive years: age 28
    48  for men and age 25 for women. Enslaved  Africans  already  in  servitude
    49  before  July  4, 1799 were reclassified as "indentured servants," but in
    50  reality, remained enslaved Africans for the duration of their lives.
    51    In 1817, the New York State Legislature enacted a  statute  that  gave
    52  freedom  to  New York enslaved Africans who had been born before July 4,
    53  1799. However, this statute did not become effective until July 4, 1827.
    54    Despite these laws, there were exceptions under which certain  persons
    55  could  still  own  enslaved Africans. Non-residents could enter New York
    56  with enslaved Africans for up to nine months, and the law allowed  part-

        A. 7691                             3
 
     1  time residents to bring their enslaved Africans into the state temporar-
     2  ily.  The  nine-month  exception  remained law until its repeal in 1841,
     3  when the North was redefining itself as the "free" region in advance  of
     4  the Civil War.
     5    Nevertheless,  many  formerly  enslaved  Africans  fleeing slavery and
     6  arriving in New York were forced back into slavery following  the  Fugi-
     7  tive  Slave  Law  of  1850. Moreover, even as the laws regarding slavery
     8  were loosened, both public and private discrimination continued to main-
     9  tain similar social relationships and racial hierarchies.
    10    During the Civil War, sentiments in New York regarding  the  war  were
    11  divided  and tense. New York's finance and local institutions were still
    12  deeply entangled in the slave trade in the South and the Caribbean,  and
    13  New  York  profited  tremendously  from the trade in Southern cotton. By
    14  some estimates, New York received 40% of U.S. cotton revenue through its
    15  financial firms, shipping businesses, and insurance companies.
    16    Near the start of the war,  in  January  1861,  New  York  City  Mayor
    17  Fernando  Wood  actually suggested to the New York City Council that New
    18  York secede and declare itself a "free city" in order  to  continue  its
    19  profitable  cotton  trade  with  the Confederacy. These same pro-slavery
    20  forces erupted into violence when  the  national  Conscription  Act  was
    21  enacted on July 11, 1863. Pro-slavery forces engaged in "draft riots" in
    22  New  York  City,  violently  targeting Black Americans. Before the riots
    23  were finally stopped by federal troops four days  later,  over  119  New
    24  Yorkers,  mostly  Black Americans, had been killed. After the end of the
    25  Civil War, Congress passed the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to  offi-
    26  cially  end slavery, make Black people citizens, and enable Black men to
    27  enjoy all rights of citizenship including the right  to  vote.  Although
    28  New  York  had  given  Black  men the right to vote in 1827, it retained
    29  property requirements, and included new restrictions  on  the  right  to
    30  vote  for those accused of committing crimes, to continuously maintain a
    31  system of disenfranchisement. On April 14, 1869, New York  ratified  the
    32  15th  Amendment  in  a party-line vote. In 1870, however, control of the
    33  Senate changed to those who were sympathetic to  the  recently  defeated
    34  South,  with State Senator William "Boss" Tweed leading a charge for New
    35  York to rescind its ratification of the 15th amendment (i.e., the  right
    36  to  vote).  New York legislators at the time claimed that allowing Black
    37  New Yorkers to vote "would introduce ignorance to the ballot box and the
    38  suffrage would be cheapened  and  degraded".  Along  another  party-line
    39  vote,  New  York  rescinded its ratification. Fortunately, however, this
    40  rescission did not prevent the 15th Amendment from being ratified.
    41    Following the Civil War, conditions for Black Americans  in  New  York
    42  remained  poor.  Newly  emancipated  enslaved  people and their families
    43  needed to contend with both public and  private  discrimination  in  the
    44  State  of New York.  Although civil rights legislation was passed in the
    45  years following the Civil War, in an attempt to guard  against  acts  of
    46  discrimination,  Associate Justice Joseph P. Bradley, of New York State,
    47  wrote a majority (8-1) decision for the  United  States  Supreme  Court,
    48  striking down these civil rights laws. The case related to an 1879 inci-
    49  dent, where a Black New Yorker had been turned away from the Grand Opera
    50  House  located  on West 23rd Street and 8th Avenue; even though this man
    51  had paid for a ticket, he was turned away, and a local policeman  forci-
    52  bly  removed  him  from the premises. Although the following lawsuit was
    53  brought under the civil rights act, Justice Bradley rejected the claims,
    54  stating: "Can the act of a mere individual, the owner of  the  inn,  the
    55  public  conveyance or place of amusement, refusing the accommodation, be
    56  justly regarded as imposing any badge of slavery or servitude  upon  the

        A. 7691                             4
 
     1  applicant...?  After  giving  to  these  questions all the consideration
     2  which their importance demands, we are forced  to  the  conclusion  that
     3  such  an  act  of  refusal has nothing to do with slavery or involuntary
     4  servitude." With this ruling, private citizens were once again permitted
     5  to lawfully discriminate against their fellow New Yorkers, with no legal
     6  recourse. A subsequent New York Times editorial, however, stated that it
     7  did  not foresee any substantial changes in daily life because the civil
     8  rights  legislation  to  protect  Black  New  Yorkers  "has  never  been
     9  enforced" in any meaningful way.
    10    With  this  legal precedent, expanding even more broadly when the 1896
    11  case of Plessy v. Ferguson explicitly permitted segregated railroads and
    12  street cars, Jim Crow laws, along with various forms of private discrim-
    13  ination, spread across the  country  and  New  York  State.  Segregation
    14  became  particularly common in both education and housing. In 1883, when
    15  a Black resident of Kings County sought to  enroll  her  daughter  in  a
    16  school for white children, her child was denied admission. In the subse-
    17  quent lawsuit of People, ex. Rel King v. Gallagher, the Court ruled in a
    18  4-2  decision that "[t]he system of authorizing the education of the two
    19  races separately has been for many  years  the  settled  policy  of  all
    20  departments  of  the  State  government, and it is believed obtains very
    21  generally in the States of the Union." The New  York  Court  of  Appeals
    22  upheld  the  segregation  of  schools in Kings County. Although the laws
    23  have changed in the years since this decision, research has  shown  that
    24  up to the present day of this writing, New York still is the most segre-
    25  gated state for Black students.
    26    Discrimination  in  housing  has  also  been a persistent and constant
    27  issue in New York since the  Civil  War.  In  addition  to  the  housing
    28  inequality  that  came with wealth inequality, landlords have engaged in
    29  discriminatory housing practices. Black  Americans  of  all  backgrounds
    30  typically  paid  disproportionately  higher  rents, and were forced into
    31  dilapidated tenement conditions, with the support of  public  officials.
    32  This  pattern  of  geographic  isolation  would continue to impact Black
    33  Americans in New  York  continuously  throughout  the  years,  including
    34  through the state-sanctioned discriminatory "redlining" practices in the
    35  1930s,  and in the segregationist urban planning implemented by individ-
    36  uals like Robert Moses in later decades. Importantly, the Federal  Hous-
    37  ing  Administration  (FHA),  an institution that refused to insure mort-
    38  gages in or near African American neighborhoods, subsidized builders who
    39  were creating subdivisions and developments in  the  suburbs,  with  the
    40  proviso  that  none of the homes be sold to African Americans. For exam-
    41  ple,  in  Levittown,  New  York,  the  FHA  guaranteed  bank  loans  for
    42  construction and development to Levittown on the condition that no homes
    43  be  sold  to African-Americans, and that every home have a clause in its
    44  deed prohibiting resale to African-Americans.
    45    The consequences of these past practices are still with us  today.  In
    46  1991, a massive African burial ground was discovered in the heart of New
    47  York's  financial  district during the construction of a skyscraper. The
    48  excavations that followed the termination of  the  construction  project
    49  yielded  the  skeletal  remains of 419 Africans, many of whom were women
    50  and children.
    51    The consequences of slavery in New York State is not an  echo  of  the
    52  past,  but  can  still  be  observed  in daily life. Systemic racism has
    53  cemented a legacy of  generational  poverty,  and  we  still  see  today
    54  instances of voter suppression, housing discrimination, biased policing,
    55  food  apartheid, and disproportionate rates of incarceration. Currently,
    56  in the United States, the imprisonment rate of Black Americans for  drug

        A. 7691                             5
 
     1  charges is almost six times that of white Americans, despite the rate of
     2  drug  usage  being  similar  among both groups. Likewise, the use of the
     3  "Stop and Frisk" tactic by the New York City Police Department  has  had
     4  disparate  impacts:   at the policy's peak in 2011, an estimated 685,724
     5  people were stopped, with fifty-three percent of those being Black, even
     6  though only twenty-six percent of New York City's population was  Black.
     7  These  policies  have  also  led to the tragic deaths of Black Americans
     8  here in New York, such as Daniel Prude, who was  unarmed  and  facing  a
     9  mental  health  crisis  when  he  was  forcibly  restrained by Rochester
    10  police, and ultimately died due to complications of  asphyxia  resulting
    11  from his restraint.
    12    New  York  State's status as an economic and cultural hub of the world
    13  has been built and shaped by  slavery.  The  contributions  of  enslaved
    14  Africans has provided the resources upon which trade and commerce in New
    15  York  was  built.  Some of our most prestigious institutions and infras-
    16  tructure were built with these contributions. However,  New  York  State
    17  also  has  the  largest  income disparity in the country, and that large
    18  disparity is in large part the legacy of our slave system.
    19    This legislation is necessary because the slavery that  flourished  in
    20  New  York State constituted an immoral and inhumane deprivation of Afri-
    21  cans' life, liberty, citizenship rights, cultural heritage,  and  denied
    22  them  the  fruits  of their own labor. A sufficient inquiry has not been
    23  made into the effects of the institution of slavery on present day soci-
    24  ety in New York.
    25    § 3. Establishment, purpose and duties of the commission.   a.  Estab-
    26  lishment.  There  is  hereby  established  the  New York State community
    27  commission on reparations  remedies  (hereinafter  referred  to  as  the
    28  "commission").
    29    b. Duties. The commission shall perform the following duties:
    30    (1)  Examine the institution of slavery which existed within the State
    31  of New York and in the City of New York.  The  commission's  examination
    32  shall include, but not be limited to, an examination of:
    33    (A) the capture and procurement of Africans;
    34    (B)  the  transport  of Africans to what is now known as New York City
    35  and New York State for  the  purpose  of  enslavement,  including  their
    36  treatment during transport;
    37    (C) the sale and acquisition of Africans as chattel property in inter-
    38  state  and  intrastate commerce, including the direct and indirect bene-
    39  fits that New York received from these economic relationships;
    40    (D) the treatment of enslaved Africans in the City of New York and the
    41  State of New York, including the deprivation of their freedom, exploita-
    42  tion of their labor, and destruction of their culture,  language,  reli-
    43  gion, and families; and
    44    (E)  the treatment of formerly enslaved Africans and their descendants
    45  in the City of New York and the State of  New  York  during  the  period
    46  between the end of the Civil War and the present.
    47    (2) Examine the extent to which the federal government, as well as the
    48  state  and  local  governments of New York, supported the institution of
    49  slavery, including the  extent  to  which  such  governments  prevented,
    50  opposed,  or restricted efforts of freed enslaved Africans to repatriate
    51  to their homeland.
    52    (3) Examine how New York State engaged in the interstate  transfer  of
    53  enslaved  Africans,  and carried out federal policies in the furtherance
    54  of slavery.
    55    (4) Examine the de jure and  de  facto  discrimination  against  freed
    56  enslaved  Africans,  their  descendants,  and people of African descent,

        A. 7691                             6
 
     1  generally, at both the state and federal levels  of  government,  during
     2  the  period between the end of the Civil War and the present, including,
     3  but  not  limited  to,  economic,  political,  educational,  and  social
     4  discrimination.
     5    (5) Examine the lingering negative effects of the institution of slav-
     6  ery and discrimination on living people of African descent and on socie-
     7  ty in the State of New York.
     8    (6)  Examine the current condition of living people of African descent
     9  in the State of New York, to the extent practicable, including, but  not
    10  limited to, economic, political, educational, and social conditions.
    11    (7)  Recommend  appropriate  ways to educate the public of the commis-
    12  sion's findings.
    13    (8) Recommend appropriate remedies and reparations in consideration of
    14  the commission's findings on the matters described in paragraphs  1,  2,
    15  3,  4,  5,  and  6 of this subdivision to determine how the state of New
    16  York may provide for appropriate laws, policies, programs, projects, and
    17  other recommendations in order to reverse such injuries.  Such  remedies
    18  may  include  compensation,  including  but not limited to the amount of
    19  compensation and who should be eligible for such compensation.
    20    (9) Examine the feasibility for the creation of a bureau to assist  in
    21  the  distribution  and  administration  of  remedies  and reparations as
    22  recommended by the commission pursuant to paragraph 8 of  this  subdivi-
    23  sion.
    24    c.  Report  to  the legislature. The commission shall submit a written
    25  report of its findings and recommendations to the temporary president of
    26  the senate, the speaker of the assembly, the  minority  leaders  of  the
    27  senate  and  the assembly and the governor not later than one year after
    28  the date of the first meeting of the commission held pursuant to  subdi-
    29  vision c of section four of this act.
    30    §  4.  Membership.  a. Appointment of members. The commission shall be
    31  composed of nine members who shall be appointed within 90 days after the
    32  effective date of this act, as follows:
    33    (1) three members shall be appointed by the governor;
    34    (2) three members shall be appointed by the speaker of the assembly;
    35    (3) three members shall be appointed by the temporary president of the
    36  senate.
    37    b. Qualification of members. All members appointed to  the  commission
    38  shall be persons who are especially qualified to serve on the commission
    39  by  virtue of their expertise, education, training, or lived experience,
    40  in the fields of African or American studies, the criminal legal system,
    41  human rights, civil rights, law, economics,  psychology,  civil  society
    42  and  reparations  organizations  that  have  historically championed the
    43  cause of reparatory justice, clergy, and/or the history  of  slavery  in
    44  New  York, and, to the extent possible, represent geographically diverse
    45  areas of the state.
    46    c. First meeting. The first meeting of the commission shall take place
    47  within 180 days after the effective date of this act.
    48    d. Quorum. Five members of the commission shall constitute  a  quorum,
    49  but a lesser number may hold hearings.
    50    e.  Chair  and Vice Chair. The commission shall elect a Chair and Vice
    51  Chair from among its members no later than the first meeting.
    52    f. Compensation. The  members  of  the  commission  shall  receive  no
    53  compensation  for their services as members, but shall be reimbursed for
    54  their actual and necessary expenses incurred in the performance of their
    55  duties.

        A. 7691                             7

     1    § 5. Powers of the commission.  a. Hearings and sessions. The  commis-
     2  sion  shall, for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this act,
     3  solicit public input from stakeholders and interested parties, and shall
     4  hold such public hearings as the commission considers appropriate.
     5    b.  Powers of subcommittees and members. Any subcommittee or member of
     6  the commission may, if authorized by the  commission,  take  any  action
     7  which the commission is authorized to take by this section.
     8    c.  Obtaining  official data. The commission may acquire directly from
     9  the head of any department, agency, or  instrumentality  of  the  state,
    10  available  information  which  the  commission  considers  useful in the
    11  discharge of its duties. All departments, agencies,  and  instrumentali-
    12  ties  of  the  state shall cooperate with the commission with respect to
    13  such information and shall furnish  all  information  requested  by  the
    14  commission  to  the  extent  permitted by law.   The commission may also
    15  coordinate  with  historically  black  colleges  and  universities   and
    16  research  centers to conduct research and acquire additional information
    17  which the commission considers useful in the  discharge  of  its  duties
    18  pursuant to this act.
    19    §  6.  Termination.  The  commission shall terminate 90 days after the
    20  date on which the commission submits its report to the temporary  presi-
    21  dent of the senate, the speaker of the assembly, the minority leaders of
    22  the  senate and the assembly and the governor as provided in subdivision
    23  c of section three of this act.
    24    § 7. This act shall take effect immediately and shall  expire  and  be
    25  deemed repealed 90 days after the New York State community commission to
    26  study reparations remedies submits its report to the temporary president
    27  of  the senate, the speaker of the assembly, the minority leaders of the
    28  senate and the assembly and the governor as provided in subdivision c of
    29  section three of this act; provided that, the  chair  of  the  New  York
    30  State  community  commission  to study reparations remedies shall notify
    31  the legislative bill drafting commission  upon  the  submission  of  its
    32  report  as  provided  in  subdivision  c of section three of this act in
    33  order that the commission may maintain an accurate and timely  effective
    34  data  base  of the official text of the laws of the State of New York in
    35  furtherance of effecting the provisions of section 44 of the legislative
    36  law and section 70-b of the public officers law.
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